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By: Meir Javedanfar
31/03/2008
Feeling
the heat of the recent offensive against his forces
around Iraq, Muqtada Al Sadr, who has long been
suspected of receiving support from the Iranian
government, decided to publicly
condemn the Iranian supreme leader Ayatollah
Khamenei.
His
verbal attack was an unprecedented turn of events for
the young Shiite, who for the last year has been
traveling to Iran on several occasions to complete his
theological studies in order to become an Ayatollah
himself. Western security sources have long suspected
that these trips have also been used in order to receive
financial assistance from Iran, and to coordinate the
Mahdi army’s military and political strategy with the
leadership in Tehran.
There
are important reasons behind his offensive against
Khameini.
Primarily, Al Sadr is furious at the fact that
members of the Islamic Supreme Council of Iraq (ISCI),
have joined the Iraqi army’s offensive against his
forces in important areas such as Baghdad and
Basra.
ISCI,
which is led by Ayatollah Abdul Aziz al-Hakim has the
support of middle and upper class Shiites in Iraq, while
Al Sadr’s Mahdi army has the backing of poor Shiites. Al
Sadr is not only upset because ISCI has decided to turn
its guns against fellow Shiites, but also at the fact
that ISCI has been the recipient of a larger amount of
aid from Tehran than his organization. This may lead Al
Sadr to believe that ISCI has embarked on this
adventure, with Tehran’s blessing. This belief would
explain why, during his controversial interview with Al Jazeera on
Saturday night, Al Sadr condemned what he called
“Iranian intervention in Iraq’s security and
politics.”
Presumably, his hope is that by condemning and
distancing himself Tehran, he could get more local grass
root support inside Iraq; something which he could use
later on in order to stage a political and military
comeback.
While
its too early to declare victory and celebrate,
nevertheless, Al Sadr’s recent move can be considered as
an achievement for the US,
in its ongoing struggle with Tehran over influence in
Iraq.
Until
now, Tehran has been masterfully controlling both Al
Sadr and ISCI allies as a tool to increase its
influence. Whether or not Washington sanctioned Maliki’s
recent operations against the Mahdi army; the rift
created between Iraq’s two major Shiite organizations is
making Iran’s Iraqi adventure more cumbersome at least
in the immediate future.
This,
despite the fact that ISCI is allied with Tehran (many
of its supporters who defected to Iran during Saddam’s
rule, had their own neighborhood, called Dolat Abad in
south west of Tehran.)
Al Sadr
is obviously not going to to go away quietly. It is
likely that he will save himself and his forces for a
counter-offensive. What this could mean for Tehran is
losing important intelligence assets in southern Iraq,
as Mahdi
army operatives are likely to suspect and distance
themselves from pro-Iran Shiites. Furthermore, unless
Tehran undertakes meaningful initiatives to repair its
relationship with Al Sadr, the young cleric may call for
a boycott of Iranian products and companies in southern
Iraq. This would be a blow for Iran, which earns
billions of dollars from exports to its Western
neighbor.
For
now, Washington and Al
Maliki’s government must use the recent military
setbacks for Al Sadr as an opportunity to reach out to
poor Iraqis who form the basis of Al Sadr’s support.
Unless economic assistance is provided to improve their
lives, and security, Tehran could step
in.
It
would not be the first time that Tehran has supported
two opposing sides in a conflict, and it would not be
the last either.
This
article originally appeared in PJM
Media.
Javedanfar is coauthor of The
Nuclear Sphinx of Tehran: Mahmoud Ahmadinejad and the
State of Iran. Vatanka is the security editor at
Jane's Information
Group.