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Biggest Case of Corruption
in Post Revolution
Iran
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By: Meir Javedanfar
31/05/2008
In what appears to be
the biggest case of corruption in post revolution Iran, and
perhaps in the Middle East, the Tehran-based
Shahab
News reported that
the chief auditing office of the Iranian parliament (Majlis)
has revealed that close to $35 billion of oil income
from the financial year 2006-07 is
missing.
According to Iranian law, this money should have
been paid by the government of President Ahmadinejad into Iran’s central
bank. Once there, the government can request the withdrawal of
funds for projects, depending upon the approval of the Majlis.
However, the new investigation shows that
the government never paid the money into the central
bank, and no one knows what has happened to
it.
Although it has not yet been
proven, many suspect that the money has been used to
finance corrupt activities of politicians surrounding
the president, or the president himself. After all, it
is very unlikely that this could have happened without
his knowledge. It is also very
possible that part of the money was directed towards
Iran's costly nuclear program. Hezbollah can also be
considered as another likely recipient, as this case
took place in the very same year in which the Lebanese
organization fought Israel for 33 days.
This is
a serious allegation, as this amount constitutes almost
half of Iran’s total oil income for that
year.
To make
matters worse, this is not the first time since the
start of the presidency of Mahmoud Ahmadinejad that
money has been used without the Majlis’ knowledge. One
other famous case took place during the 2007-08
financial year. It was revealed later that $2 billion
was used to import gasoline, without any consultation or
approval of the members of the Iranian
parliament.
It
would be an understatement to say that President
Ahmadinejad had a rocky relationship with the previous
Majlis, whose term ended on May 27. Members were so fed
up with the president’s efforts to sideline them that
they tried to reduce his presidential term on two
separate occasions. Although they failed, such an
undertaking had never before been attempted in the
history of the Islamic Republic.
As well
as Ahmadinejad, the other person whom former Majlis
members held responsible for their frustrations was
Majlis speaker Gholam Ali
Hadad Adel. This powerful
Iranian politician, whose son is married to supreme
leader Khamenei’s daughter, except on one famous
occasion continuously
defended Ahmadinejad from the Majlis’
complaints.
The new
Majlis, which was sworn in on May 28, decided to take no
chances. Realizing that the president is unlikely to
change his ways and that they cannot change him, members
decided to do what is second best, by choosing a new
Majlis spokesman. He is none other than Ali
Larijani, Iran’s former
top nuclear negotiator. Larijani also happens to be a
powerful political rival to the president. He ran
against Ahmadinejad in the 2005 presidential
elections.
The
election of Larijani could pose several problems for the
president. First and foremost, the relationship between
the two is not good. In November 2007, he
resigned from his job
because of Ahmadinejad’s uncompromising attitude towards
the nuclear program. This made Larijani’s efforts to
find a diplomatic solution to Iran’s nuclear program
more cumbersome. Eventually Larijani gave up because he
could no longer work with him.
Now
that he is back in another important political post, it
is likely that he will use it to boost his image, and to
try and weaken his rival, in order to bolster his
chances of election as president. This is already
apparent. The news regarding the missing $35 billion
came out few days after Larijani was elected as the new
Majlis speaker.
One
year is a long time in Iranian politics. One of
Larijani’s weaknesses has been his lack of experience in
management of domestic affairs. Unlike Ahmadinejad, he
has never been mayor or governor. His new post is likely
to strengthen his position domestically. If he plays his
cards right and manages to convince Supreme Leader
Khamenei that he would be a more suitable replacement
for Ahmadinejad, then the international community may
find Iran of 2009 an easier country to talk
to.
This article
originally appeared in PJM
Media
Meir Javedanfar
is the co-author with Yossi Melman of “The
Nuclear Sphinx of Tehran – Mahmoud Ahmadinejad and the
State of Iran.” He runs Middle East Economic and
Political Analysis (Meepas)
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